Suchergebnisse

In 'The Subversive Seventies', Michael Hardt sets out to show that popular understandings of the political movements of the seventies - often seen as fractious, violent, and largely unsuccessful - are not just inaccurate, but foreclose valuable lessons for the political struggles of today. Looking at a wide range of movements around the globe during the 1970s, from the United States, to Guinea Bissau, South Korea, Chile, Turkey, and Italy, Hardt argues that the movements of the 1970s identified and attempted to resolve the political problems that still face contemporary radical political thought and action.

Inhalt; Vorwort: Die Menge wird zum Fürsten; Teil I Republik (und die Multitude der Armen); 1. Die Republik des Eigentums; Von einem neuerdings erhobenen apokalyptischen Ton in der Politik; Republikanisches Recht auf Eigentum; Sapere aude!; 2. Produktive Körper; Von der Marx'schen Kritik des Eigentums …; … zur Phänomenologie der Körper; Das Verschwinden der Körper im Fundamentalismus; 3. Die Multitude der Armen; Die Menge oder die Multitude: Die Bezeichnung der Armen; Wer hasst die Armen?; Armut und Macht; De corpore 1: Biopolitik als Ereignis

Critique has become the primary mode of practicing theory, at least theory conceived as a political intervention, and yet I sense today a growing dissafection with the political capacities of critique. The term critique, of course, covers a wide variety of practices: relatively generic means of fault finding, methods to question the truth of authority, techniques to reveal the figures of power that operate in dominant discourses or ideologies, and even the specific Kantian procedures of investigating the limits of human understanding, reason, or judgement. The differences among these modes of critique are significant, but all of them today face the charge that they are insufficient as political methods insofar as they lack the capacity both to transform the existing structures of power and to create alternative social arrangements. In the very last period of his life, Michel Foucault articulated as an alternative to critique a form of philosophical and political militancy that offers rich posibilities for theory now. ; La crítica se ha convertido en la principal forma de practicar la teoría, al menos aquella teoría concebida como intervención política. Sin embargo, percibo hoy en día una creciente insatisfacción con respecto a las posibilidades políticas de la crítica. Ciertamente, el término crítica abarca un amplio abanico de prácticas, como los medios relativamente genéricos para encontrar defectos, técnicas que revelan las figuras de poder que operan en los discursos dominantes y las ideologías e incluso los procesos kantianos específicos que investigan los límites del entendimiento humano, la razón o el juicio. Las diferencias existentes entre tales modos de la crítica son significativas, pero todos ellos enfrentan a día de hoy la acusación de que son insuficientes como métodos políticos en la medida en que carecen tanto de la capacidad de transformar tanto las estructuras de poder existentes como de crear acuerdos sociales alternativos. Durante el último periodo de su vida, Michel Foucault articuló como alternativa a la crítica una forma de militancia filosófica y política que brinda abundantes posibilidades para la teoría ahora.

Lauren Berlant and Baruch Spinoza both maintain that our ethical and political projects must be formulated and conducted on the terrain of the affects. Key to both projects is to recongize our power to be affected as not a weakness but a strength and to realize, without regret, that we are nonsovereign subjects. Only by working through the affects can we proceed on a path to liberation and joy. Adapted from the source document.